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Noam Chomsky - US-Kulturimperialist. Teil 2
Titel Name Zeit
Noam Chomsky - US-Kulturimperialist. Teil 2 Hartmut Heller  28.12.2001
Noam Chomsky - US-Kulturimperialist. Teil 2
Hartmut Heller - 28.12.2001

Noam Chomsky – US-Kulturimperialist
Teil 2

Klar, in den Koepfen der mediengeschaedigten deutschen Modeanarchisten gilt Chomsky als Kritiker des US-Imperialismus, weiss er doch genau den kleinen Unterschied zwischen offenem Imperialismus und dem Unbehagen der medien- und schulgeschaedigten Masse in der domestizierten Welt fuer seine Karriere als Anarcho-Authoritaet auszunuetzen.

Doch Chomsky ist Agent des CIA, auch wenn seine Anhaenger und er selber dies nicht wahrhaben wollen.

Seine Veroeffentlichungen zum Fall Timor seien hier beispielhaft, wenn auch der Kuerze der Kritik halber unvollstaendig, als neuerliche Argumentierhilfe genommen.

1. Chomsky vertritt im Falle Ost-Timor die CIA-Position : teile und herrsche. Chomsky nimmt generell an der Vernichtung von kleinen und friedlichen Rassen und Kulturen, beispielsweise der Vernichtung der Ureinwohner Nordamerikas,wo er ja selbst ethno-europaeischer Besatzer ist, wenig Anteil, es sei denn, der CIA haette auch Interesse, so wie in Timor, in Burma, im Kambodscha der roten Khmer, in Tibet usw. Wo ist denn beispielsweise die Stimme Chomskys im gerechten und verzweifelten Unabhaengigkeitskampf der West-Papua von der US-abhaengigen indonesischen Besatzung mit ca. 800000 ermordeten Papua? Schweigen. (

2. Timor war und ist geographisch und kulturell Teil der kleinen Sundainseln und damit typisch indonesisch, wenn auch nicht javanisch. Wie auf den meisten andern der kleinen Sundainseln finden sich auch auf Timor grob eingeteilt drei unterschiedliche Rassen-und Kulturgruppierungen, die der melanesischen Ureinwohner (Alfuren), die der Altmalaien und die der vor allem aus Java stammenden Jungmalaien. Diese Kulturgruppierungen ziehen sich ueber die gesamte Insel und sind fuer die Menschen dort bedeutender als die machtpolitische Aufteilung. Die katholischen Portugiesen in ihrer unersaettlichen Gier nach Gold und Macht hatten willkuerlich den Osten und einen Teil im Westen der Insel besetzt.

3. Die Politik des politischen Zwangsgebildes Indonesien wird im US-amerikanischen Pentagon gemacht. Die Machthaber in Jakarta sind Marionetten. Um dieses Riesengebilde Indonesien noch besser beherrschen zu koennen, kommen die Verbrechen der von der US-Killergesellschaft unterstuetzten indonesischen Militaers gerade recht. Horta, der Agent des Vatikan wird u.a. durch Nobelpreisverleihung zum Volkshelden stilisiert. Timor wird wiederum ganz willkuerlich geteilt,ohne die Familien- Stammes- und Rassenbindungen zu beachten, um so wie auch im Falle Israel oder Guantanamo auf Kuba einen Pfahl im Fleische zu haben.

4. Wir Freunde der Naturvoelker klagen das Verbrechen der imperialistischen Teilung Osttimor und damit auch Noam Chomsky als Teil des Verbrechens an. Wir fordern: Keine Teilung von gewachsenen kulturellen Strukturen. Weg mit den Grenzen, sowohl auf der Insel Timor, als auch auf der Insel Neuguinea, als auch sonstwo. Noam Chomsky, der sich fuer kuenstliche Grenzen aus imperialistischem Interesse einsetzt ist ein boesartiger Falschspieler und alles andere als ein Anarchist.

Hartmut Heller

Von: Douglass Daley
Betreff: Fwd: (en) AUT: major new statement from Chomsky on Timor...
Datum: Sun, 12 Sep 1999 09:15:44 -0700 (PDT)

--- wrote:
> Date: Sun, 12 Sep 1999 02:42:13 -0400
> Subject: (en) AUT: Êmajor new statement from Chomsky on
> Timor...
> From:
> To:
> Reply-to:
> ________________________________________________
> A - I N F O S
> ________________________________________________
> Major new statement from Noam Chomsky, Sept 10, on
> Timor....
> Comments On the Occasion of the Forthcoming APEC Summit
> There are many topics of major long-term significance
> that should be
> addressed at the APEC conference, but one is of consuming
> importance and
> overwhelming urgency. We all know exactly what it is, and
> why it must be
> placed at the forefront of concern -- and more important,
> instant action.
> This conference provides an opportunity -- there may not
> be many more -- to
> terminate the tragedy that is once again reaching
> shocking proportions in
> East Timor. The Indonesian military forces who invaded
> East Timor 24 years
> ago, and have been slaughtering and terrorizing its
> inhabitants ever since,
> are right now, as I write, in the process of sadistically
> destroying what
> remains: the population, the cities and villages. What
> they are planning, we
> cannot be sure: a Carthaginian solution is not out of the
> question.
> The tragedy of East Timor has been one of the most
> awesome of this terrible
> century. It is also of particular moral significance for
> us, for the
> simplest and most obvious of reasons. Western complicity
> has been direct and
> decisive. The expected corollary also holds: unlike the
> crimes of official
> enemies, these can be ended by means that have always
> been readily
> available, and still are.
> The current wave of terror and destruction began early
> this year, under the
> pretense that the atrocities were the work of
> "uncontrolled militias." It
> was quickly revealed that these were paramilitary forces
> armed, organized,
> and directed by the Indonesian army, who also
> participated directly in their
> "criminal activities," as these have just been described
> by Indonesian
> Foreign Minister Ali Alatas, still maintaining the
> shameful pretense that
> the "military institution" that is directing the crimes
> is seeking to stop
> them.
> The Indonesian military forces are commonly described as
> "rogue elements."
> That is hardly accurate. Most prominent among them are
> Kopassus units sent
> to East Timor to carry out the actions for which they are
> famed, and
> dreaded. They have "the job of managing the militias,
> many observers
> believe, veteran Asia correspondent David Jenkins
> reported as the terror
> was mounting. Kopassus is the "crack special forces unit"
> modeled on the
> U.S. Green Berets that had "been training regularly with
> US and Australian
> forces until their behaviour became too much of an
> embarrassment for their
> foreign friends." These forces are "legendary for their
> cruelty," observes
> Benedict Anderson, one of the leading Indonesia scholars.
> In East Timor,
> Anderson continues, "Kopassus became the pioneer and
> exemplar for every kind
> of atrocity," including systematic rapes, tortures and
> executions, and
> organization of hooded gangsters.
> Jenkins wrote that Kopassus officers, trained in the
> United States, adopted
> the tactics of the US Phoenix program in South Vietnam,
> which killed tens of
> thousands of peasants and much of the indigenous South
> Vietnamese
> leadership, as well as "the tactics employed by the
> Contras" in Nicaragua,
> following lessons taught by their CIA mentors that it
> should be unnecessary
> to review. The state terrorists were "not simply going
> after the most
> radical pro-independence people but going after the
> moderates, the people
> who have influence in their community." "It's Phoenix," a
> well-placed source
> in Jakarta reported: the aim is "to terrorise everyone"
> -- the NGOs, the Red
> Cross, the UN, the journalists.
> All of this was well before the referendum and the
> atrocities conducted in
> its immediate aftermath. As to these, there is good
> reason to heed the
> judgment of a high-ranking Western official in Dili.
> "Make no mistake," he
> reported: "this is being directed from Jakarta. This is
> not a situation
> where a few gangs of rag-tag militia are out of control.
> As everybody here
> knows, it has been a military operation from start to
> finish."
> The official was speaking from the UN compound in which
> the UN observers,
> the last few reporters, and thousands of terrified
> Timorese finally took
> refuge, besieged by Indonesia's paramilitary agents. At
> that time, a few
> days ago, the UN estimated that violent expulsions had
> perhaps reached
> 200,000 people, about a quarter of the population, with
> unknown numbers
> killed and physical destruction running to billions of
> dollars. At best, it
> would take decades to rebuild the territory's basic
> infrastructure, they
> concluded. And the army may well have still more
> far-reaching goals.
> In the months before the August 30 referendum, the horror
> story continued.
> Citing diplomatic, church, and militia sources,
> Australian journalists
> reported in July "that hundreds of modern assault rifles,
> grenades and
> mortars are being stockpiled, ready for use if the
> autonomy [within
> Indonesia] option is rejected at the ballot box." They
> warned that the
> army-run militias might be planning a violent takeover of
> much of the
> territory if, despite the terror, the popular will would
> be expressed. All
> of this was well understood by the "foreign friends," who
> also knew how to
> bring the terror to an end, but preferred to delay,
> hesitate, and keep to
> evasive and ambiguous reactions that the Indonesian
> Generals could easily
> interpret as a "green light" to carry out their grim
> work.
> In a display of extraordinary courage and heroism,
> virtually the entire
> population made their way to the ballot-boxes, many
> emerging from hiding to
> do so. Braving brutal intimidation and terror, they voted
> overwhelming in
> favor of the right of self-determination that had long
> ago been endorsed by
> the United Nations Security Council and the World Court.
> Immediately, the Indonesian occupying forces reacted as
> had been predicted
> by observers on the scene. The weapons that had been
> stockpiled, and the
> forces that had been mobilized, conducted a well-planned
> operation. They
> proceeded to drive out anyone who might bring the
> terrible story to the
> outside world and cut off communications, while
> massacring, expelling tens
> of thousands of people to an unknown fate, burning and
> destroying, murdering
> priests and nuns, and no one knows how many other hapless
> victims. The
> capital city of Dili has been virtually destroyed. In the
> countryside, where
> the army can rampage undetected, one can only guess what
> has taken place.
> Even before the latest outrages, highly credible Church
> sources had reported
> 3-5000 killed in 1999, well beyond the scale of
> atrocities in Kosovo prior
> to the NATO bombings. The scale might even reach the
> level of Rwanda if the
> "foreign friends" keep to timid expressions of
> disapproval while insisting
> that internal security in East Timor "is the
> responsibility of the
> Government of Indonesia, and we don't want to take that
> responsibility away
> from them" -- the official position of the State
> Department a few days
> before the August 30 referendum.
> It would have been far less hypocritical to have said,
> early this year, that
> internal security in Kosovo "is the responsibility of the
> Government of
> Yugoslavia, and we don't want to take that responsibility
> away from them."
> Indonesia's crimes in East Timor have been vastly
> greater, even just this
> year, not to speak of their actions during the years of
> aggression and
> terror; Western-backed, we should never allow ourselves
> to forget. That
> aside, Indonesia has no claim whatsoever to the territory
> it invaded and
> occupied, apart from the claim based on support by the
> Great Powers.
> The "foreign friends" also understand that direct
> intervention in the
> occupied territory, however justified, might not even be
> necessary. If the
> United States were to take a clear, unambiguous, and
> public stand, informing
> the Indonesian Generals that this game is over, that
> might very well
> suffice. The same has been true for the past
> quarter-century, as the US
> provided critical military and diplomatic support for the
> invasion and
> atrocities. These were directed by General Suharto,
> compiling yet another
> chapter in his gruesome record, always with Western
> support, and often
> acclaim. He was once again praised by the Clinton
> Administration. He is "our
> kind of guy," the Administration declared as he visited
> Washington shortly
> before he fell from grace by losing control and dragging
> his feet on IMF
> orders.
> If changing the former green light to a new red light
> does not suffice,
> Washington and its allies have ample means at their
> disposal: termination of
> arms sales to the killers; initiation of war crimes
> trials against the army
> leadership -- not an insignificant threat; cutting the
> economic support
> funds that are, incidentally, not without their
> ambiguities; putting a hold
> on Western energy corporations and multinationals, along
> with other
> investment and commercial activities. There is also no
> reason to shy away
> from peacekeeping forces to replace the occupying
> terrorist army, if that
> proves necessary. Indonesia has no authority to "invite"
> foreign
> intervention, as President Clinton urged, any more than
> Saddam Hussein had
> authority to invite foreign intervention in Kuwait, or
> Nazi Germany in
> France in 1944 for that matter. If dispatch of
> peacekeeping forces is
> disguised by such prettified terminology, it is of no
> great importance, as
> long as we do not succumb to illusions that prevent us
> from understanding
> what has happened, and what it portends.
> What the U.S. and its allies are doing, we scarcely know.
> The New York Times
> reports that the Defense Department is "taking the lead
> in dealing with the
> crisis,...hoping to make use of longstanding ties between
> the Pentagon and
> the Indonesian military." The nature of these ties over
> many decades is no
> secret. Important light on the current stage is provided
> by Alan Nairn, who
> survived the Dili massacre in 1991 and barely escaped
> with his life in Dili
> again a few days ago. In another stunning investigative
> achievement, Nairn
> has just revealed that immediately after the vicious
> massacre of dozens of
> refugees seeking shelter in a church in Liquica, U.S.
> Pacific Commander
> Admiral Dennis Blair assured Indonesian Army chief
> General Wiranto of US
> support and assistance, proposing a new U.S. training
> mission.
> On September 8, the Pacific Command announced that
> Admiral Blair is once
> again being sent to Indonesia to convey U.S. concerns. On
> the same day,
> Secretary of Defense William Cohen reported that a week
> before the
> referendum in August, the US was carrying out joint
> operations with the
> Indonesian army -- "a U.S.-Indonesian training exercise
> focused on
> humanitarian and disaster relief activities," the wire
> services reported.
> The fact that Cohen could say this without shame leaves
> one numb with
> amazement. The training exercise was put to use within
> days -- in the
> standard way, as all but the voluntarily blind must
> surely understand after
> many years of the same tales, the same outcomes.
> Every slight move comes with an implicit retraction. On
> the eve of the APEC
> meeting, on September 9, Clinton announced the
> termination of military ties;
> but without cutting off arms sales, and while declaring
> East Timor to be
> "still a part of Indonesia," which it is not and has
> never been. The
> decision was delivered to General Wiranto by Admiral
> Blair. It takes no
> unusual cynicism to watch the current secret interactions
> with a skeptical
> eye.
> Skepticism is only heightened by the historical record:
> to mention one
> recent case, Clinton's evasion of congressional
> restrictions barring U.S.
> training of Indonesian military officers after the Dili
> massacre. The
> earlier record is far worse from the first days of the
> U.S.-authorized
> invasion. While the U.S. publicly condemned the
> aggression, Washington
> secretly supported it with a new flow of arms, which was
> increased by the
> Carter Administration as the slaughter reached
> near-genocidal levels in
> 1978. It was then that highly credible Church and other
> sources in East
> Timor attempted to make public the estimates of 200,000
> deaths that came to
> be accepted years later, after constantly denial.
> Every student in the West, every citizen with even a
> minimal concern for
> international affairs, should know by heart the frank and
> honest description
> of the opening days of the invasion by Senator Daniel
> Patrick Moynihan, then
> America's U.N. Ambassador. The Security Council ordered
> the invaders to
> withdraw at once, but without effect. In his memoirs,
> published as the
> terror peaked 20 years ago, Moynihan explained the
> reasons: "The United
> States wished things to turn out as they did," and he
> dutifully "worked to
> bring this about," rendering the UN "utterly ineffective
> in whatever
> measures it undertook." As for how "things turned out,"
> Moynihan comments
> that within a few months 60,000 Timorese had been killed,
> "almost the
> proportion of casualties experienced by the Soviet Union
> during the Second
> World War." End of story, though not in the real world.
> So matters have continued since, not just in the United
> States. England has
> a particularly ugly record, as do Australia, France, and
> all too many
> others. That fact alone confers on them enormous
> responsibility to act, not
> only to end the atrocities, but to provide reparations as
> at least some
> miserable gesture of compensation for their crimes.
> The reasons for the Western stance are very clear. They
> are currently stated
> with brutal frankness. "The dilemma is that Indonesia
> matters and East Timor
> doesn't," a Western diplomat in Jakarta bluntly observed
> a few days ago. It
> is no "dilemma," he might have added, but rather standard
> operating
> procedure. Explaining why the U.S. refuses to take a
> stand, New York Times
> Asia specialists Elizabeth Becker and Philip Shenon
> report that the Clinton
> Administration "has made the calculation that the United
> States must put its
> relationship with Indonesia, a mineral-rich nation of
> more than 200 million
> people, ahead of its concern over the political fate of
> East Timor, a tiny
> impoverished territory of 800,000 people that is seeking
> independence."
> Their fate as human beings apparently does not even reach
> the radar screen,
> for these calculations. The Washington Post quotes
> Douglas Paal, president
> of the Asia Pacific Policy Center, reporting the facts of
> life: "Timor is a
> speed bump on the road to dealing with Jakarta, and we've
> got to get over it
> safely. Indonesia is such a big place and so central to
> the stability of the
> region."
> Even without secret Pentagon assurances, Indonesian
> Generals can surely read
> these statements and draw the conclusion that they will
> be granted leeway to
> work their will.
> The analogy to Kosovo has repeatedly been drawn in the
> past days. It is
> singularly inappropriate, in many crucial respects. A
> closer analogy would
> be to Iraq-Kuwait, though this radically understates the
> scale of the
> atrocities and the culpability of the United States and
> its allies. There is
> still time, though very little time, to prevent a hideous
> consummation of
> one of the most appalling tragedies of the terrible
> century that is winding
> to a horrifying, wrenching close. _
> *****
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